EPISODE 1 PART 2: AMIR TIBON DESCRIBES HIS FATHER’S HEROIC RESCUE OF HIS FAMILY

EPISODE 1 PART 2: OCTOBER 7TH SURVIVOR AMIR TIBON DESCRIBES HIS FATHER’S HEROIC RESCUE OF HIS FAMILY

In this episode of the show, Amir Tibon describes the heroic battle undertaken by his father, Major General Noam Tibon (IDF Ret.) to rescue Amir, his wife Miri and their two daughters after Hamas terrorists stormed into Amir’s kibbutz and fired automatic gunfire into his home.

With an exceptional level of detail, Amir outlines and describes the sacrifice and courage of the soldiers and civilians who fought to defend Kibbutz Nahal Oz and to rescue him and his family.

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EPISODE 1 PART 1: AMIR TIBON BRINGS US INTO THE FAMILY HOME ATTACKED BY HAMAS

EPISODE 1 PART 1: OCTOBER 7TH SURVIVOR, AMIR TIBON, BRINGS US INTO THE FAMILY HOME ATTACKED BY HAMAS

In this episode of the show, recorded in March, 2024, Amir Tibon, survivor of the Hamas massacre, brings me into his home in Kibbutz Nahal Oz. 

This bullet-riddled house, recently built by him and his wife Miri, was the place they hoped to raise their two young daughters. 

On October 7th, Hamas terrorists stormed into the kibbutz and fired automatic gunfire into his home, as his entire family hid inside the family safe room.

In this first segment of my conversation with Amir, he tells me how he and Miri made the decision to move from Tel Aviv and to build a life in Nahal Oz.

He outlines what the atmosphere was like before October 7th and how the nightmare of that awful day began to unfold, as he feverishly contacted his colleagues and his father, desperately seeking to be rescued from an impossibly dangerous situation. 

Listen. Share. Enjoy. Comment. 

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PODCAST: ON STRATEGY: BUILD YOUR HOUSE WITH A STRONG FOUNDATION

Standing in for me this week is The Miryam Institute’s in-house analyst Yaakov Lappin.

Going solo, he responds to various critiques of Israel's war effort, and argues that those who don't prioritize the need to remove terror armies from Israel's borders are advocating for future disaster.

He then explains how non-miliary, strategic benefits only belong to powers that have demonstrated their willingness to defend their core interests first.

Toward the end of the loscast, he discusses why drones remain a persistent threat, the arms race underway to mitigate that.

Finally, Yaakov expressed why building a sukkah this year is an act of Jewish resistance against Hamas's jihad.

Enjoy!

A Year Since October 7: The Erasure of Zionist Jews in the Public Square

By Micah Q. Jones

The world has become a more dangerous place since October 7.

In July, Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh was assassinated in an airstrike in Tehran, shortly after Israel killed Hezbollah commander Fuad Shukr in a targeted airstrike in Beirut. Right before that, a Hezbollah-fired rocket had murdered 12 Druze children — part of a series of 8,000 rockets that Hezbollah has fired at Israel since October 8, 2023.

In the United States, antisemitic forces have advanced with abandon — from taking over college campuses around the country with little, if any, consequences, to assaulting visibly-religious Jews in broad daylight, as well as vandalizing American war memorials and synagogues. The US political scene has also been turbulent, and American Jews have been the victim of a record-number of antisemitic attacks.

Despite these pressing national and international dangers, one threat stands out the most as Jews around the world continue to grapple with the post-October 7th reality: the erasure of Zionist Jews within the public square, particularly within America and the West.

Zionists believe that the Jewish people have the right to self-determination in their ancestral homeland, Eretz Yisrael.

Around the world, Zionist Jews have been targeted with violence, murder, and exclusion from all public and private spaces.

And unlike the threat from Hamas or Hezbollah, this dangerous reality cannot be countered with a targeted airstrike.

Antisemitism and anti-Zionism have spread throughout every corner of daily and professional life, with little to no consequences. Most of the anti-Israel protestors who took over Columbia University’s Hinds Hall in April and blocked pro-Israel and Jewish students from attending class, had their charges dropped by Manhattan District Attorney, Alvin Bragg.

Israeli scientists have been shunned by numerous Western European universities and academics who refuse to engage in collaborative research.

In June, Hamas sympathizers brutally attacked Jews outside the Adas Torah shul in my hometown of Los Angeles. And in July, during Prime Minister Netanyahu’s trip to the US to speak before a joint session of Congress and advocate for Israel’s right to defend herself, a rabid, anti-Israel mob burned American and Israeli flags, vandalized war memorials, attacked police, and graffitied “Hamas is coming” on monuments.

Although some charges were brought against the most violent offenders, the vast majority of these terrorist sympathizers who committed criminal acts were let off the hook, free to commit more crimes against likely Jewish and pro-Israel targets.

These public acts of hatred against pro-Israel supporters and Zionist Jews have deeply personal and negative effects.

Visibly-religious Jews must now make a calculation whether they use public transportation in major US and European cities, lest they be accosted for being openly Jewish.

Israeli and Jewish restaurants have to worry about their stores being vandalized simply because of their heritage.

Pro-Israel students may be denied employment or future educational opportunities by having identified support for Israel on their resume, or because teachers graded them poorly based on their views.

Jewish families may think twice about having a mezuzah on their door or a menorah in their window, for fear of their home being attacked. And any Jew who attends Shabbat services at his synagogue now feels the need to look over his shoulder, or check where the exits are, in case of an active-shooter scenario. (And, of course, there are now armed guards at a large number of synagogues).

Zionist Jews — which, to be clear, are the vast majority of Jews the world over — are put in an even more challenging position when the small minority of anti-Zionist Jews attempt to speak for the Jewish people as a whole, and support those who want to eradicate Israel.

These anti-Zionist Jews have bent the knee to forces that chant genocidal phrases like “From the River to the Sea,” and celebrate Hamas — and sometimes join in the chants.

These anti-Zionist Jews, including groups like Jewish Voice for Peace, believe that they will be spared the same fate as their Zionist brothers and sisters if they provide aid and comfort to terrorist sympathizers.

But the history of the Jewish people has demonstrated time and again that such collaborators will not be spared when the perpetrators of the hate they are supporting inevitably turn on them.

Under this new reality, it is of the utmost importance for Zionist Jews and their allies to do everything in their power to remain present and vocal to prevent the erasure of their place in society.

Mezuzahs should remain on doors, and menorahs in windows. Religious Jews should continue to don their kippahs and tzitzit in public. If and when acts of violence and vandalism occur, the incident should be documented — and the press, police, and politicians should be held accountable via constant engagement and encouragement to prosecute the perpetrators.

Zionist Jews in positions of influence should use their resources to provide scholarships and funding to pro-Israel and Zionist students, so that they can begin their careers, donate to pro-Israel and Zionist political candidates, and fund organizations like mine whose sole focus is to advocate for Israel and the Jewish people.

And for those American Zionist Jews who are legally able, they should strive to meet the requirements for their respective state’s concealed carry weapons permits to become law-abiding firearm owners, in order to ensure that they are able to defend themselves, their families, and their congregations if they are ever violently attacked for being Zionist Jews.

The tide can be turned, and the antisemites and terrorist sympathizers can once again be banished from polite society, when Zionist Jews make clear that they will not be erased.


Micah Quinney Jones is a publishing Adjunct at The MirYam Institute, a US Army veteran, and a pro-Israel advocate. He is a recipient of the Bronze Star Medal for Meritorious Service. Read full bio here.

PODCAST: OCTOBER 7TH: A TRAGIC YEAR HAS PASSED

In this episode, I sit down with Yaakov Lappin to discuss what has been an horrific year for Israel and the Jewish people. We did so from a deeply subdued Israel, a country still grappling with all that has befallen it over the past twelve months and which is still deeply embroiled in its response to the ongoing threats that started on October 7th.

In an effort to provide you with some unique and different perspectives, we assessed the ramifications of the following topics: 

1) The 1200 Israelis murdered on October 7th

2) The ongoing hostage crisis

3) The 300,000 soldiers drafted into service

4) The fissures in Israeli society

5) Israel's place among the nations

If you find this episode interesting, please leave a comment and review wherever you download the podcast from and be sure to subscribe to the show. 

May Israel's enemies be vanquished, her leaders imbued with wisdom, her soldiers guarded over, her hostages redeemed.

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PODCAST: ISRAEL MUST RETALIATE AGAINST IRAN

ISRAEL MUST RETALIATE & TARGET IRAN'S NUCLEAR FACILITIES, THE IMPLICATIONS OF NASRALLAH'S ELIMINATION

In this episode, I'm joined by Yaakov Lappin to discuss the implications of the elimination of Hassan Nasrallah and how Israel ought to respond to the second ballistic missile attack from Iran.


We outline why it's time to hit Iran's nuclear program and their economy and explain why Israel's enemies have been allowed to trade on an unfounded schoolyard "rep" for far too long. 
We also close the show by reflecting on our thoughts for the coming year. 


Enjoy and remember to subscribe to the podcast.


Shana Tova To All The House Of Israel!

US strategy on Gaza hostages needs a new approach

By PETER FISHKIND

As we approach the month of October and the passage of a full year since Hamas invaded Israel, killing over 1200 people, including 43 Americans, and kidnapping hundreds of other innocents, American supporters of Israel must ask ourselves what our government is doing to free the hostages being held in Gaza and ensure that such an attack is never allowed to occur again.

This point of reflection takes on particular significance a few weeks after the tragic news of the murders of Hersh Goldberg-Polin, Carmel Gat, Eden Yerushalmi, Alexander Lobanov, Almog Sarusi, and Ori Danino. For millions of Americans, Hersh Goldberg-Polin is a household name. He was a native of Berkeley, California, held both American and Israeli citizenship, and was taken hostage by Hamas on October 7 after attending the Nova music festival where he had part of his arm blown off by a Hamas grenade. Following his capture, Hersh’s parents, Jon and Rachel, dedicated their lives to spreading awareness about their son and promoting efforts to bring him back home. Shortly before his murder, Jon and Rachel spoke before the Democratic National Convention and delivered deeply moving remarks about their son that sparked chants amongst the crowd to “bring Hersh home.”

The public-facing American strategy relating to the hostage negotiations appears to hold the primary aim of achieving an agreement between Israel and Hamas. Secretary of State Antony Blinken has taken dozens of visits to the region since October 7 to meet with the Israelis, Qataris, Egyptians, and others, to urge those with influence over the situation to help achieve an agreement. Following the Secretary of State’s most recent visit to Israel and meeting with Prime Minister Netanyahu, Secretary Blinken said on August 19 that Israel had agreed to the withdrawal requirements from Gaza that are part of the most recent “bridging proposal” and that it was “now incumbent on Hamas to do the same,” in terms of meeting their obligations under the proposal to reach an agreement. One can look also at the comments from Vice President Kamala Harris during her August 29 interview with CNN’s Dana Bash to conclude that the American priority is to achieve “a deal.” The Vice President said “we must get a deal that is about getting the hostages out” and repeated the phrase “we have to get a deal done” twice after follow up from Ms. Bash. A similar statement was made most recently during the September 10th Presidential Debate where, after being asked about the war between Israel and Hamas, Vice President Harris said that “this war must end … immediately, and the way it will end is we need a cease-fire deal and we need the hostages out.”

While other statements, including the statement issued by the Vice President focusing on Hamas’s murder of Hersh Goldberg-Polin have stated that “[t]he threat Hamas poses … must be eliminated and Hamas cannot control Gaza,” this rhetoric has not been the focus of most of the public-facing diplomacy concerning the Israel-Hamas war. Worse yet, the aim to remove Hamas from power in Gaza does not appear achievable if the war was to end “immediately” with a “cease-fire deal” as the Vice President declared her aim to be during the September 10th Presidential Debate.

There are significant limitations in trying to interpret the “motives” of the sociopathic fanatics that are setting strategy for Hamas. However, one must try to understand the way Hamas interprets American declarations and why Hamas would murder these hostages when their lives are the main currency Hamas holds in any negotiations. The most likely rationale for Hamas’s actions is that they believe these murders will increase pressure on the Americans who will further pressure Israelis to cede to Hamas demands in ongoing negotiations. As an American I reject these tactics and urge my government to do the same.

 In short, what we have been doing has not been working. The efforts to prioritize “an agreement” as the central aim of our strategy has only been interpreted by Hamas as a willingness to accept “an agreement” at any cost.

We need to change this calculus before Hamas, as well as Iran and every other malign actor watching the American posture in the Middle East, doubles down further on their strategy of murder and extortion to achieve their aims. For Hamas, their primary aim appears to be to survive and retain control over Gaza. If achieved, Hamas and its allies will declare victory and only place Israel and America in a more dangerous position. Hamas will regroup and launch further attacks in the future, and any other adversary will conclude that Israel and America lack the willingness to destroy their enemies and calculate that they can also launch attacks that will not result in their own demise. Likewise, American and Israeli allies will question the value of our commitments should they be attacked by our joint adversaries.

 American strategy must move forward with a new resolve to pressure Hamas, both directly and indirectly with every means at our disposal to surrender and release the hostages. This includes a significant change in public rhetoric from American officials that prioritizes the dismantling of Hamas as key to any future for Gaza. It also includes a renewed pressure campaign on the Qataris and Turks, who host much of the Hamas leadership, and Egypt, who allowed untold numbers of munitions to flow to Hamas through the Egyptian-Gaza border. These efforts must include a determination to bring Hamas’s leadership and their enablers to justice, whether that be the political, financial, or military patrons of Hamas that are responsible for the situation we find ourselves in today. And, I would also suggest that it includes a vision towards a future for a region that has no place for those who believe American blood can be spilled without severe retribution. Anything short of this risks inviting further weakness and future depravity by Hamas and others seeking to harm Israelis, Americans, and any others in the Middle East or beyond who yearn for a better future built on coexistence rather than violence and destruction.


Peter Fishkind Esq. is a publishing contributor at The MirYam Institute and pro-Israel activist in New York. Read full bio here.

PODCAST: NO TO CEASEFIRE WITH HEZBOLLAH & BIBI AT THE UN

In this latest episode of The Benjamin Anthony Show, Yaakov Lappin joins me to discuss why a ceasefire between the Israel Defense Forces and Hezbollah at this time would be catastrophic to Israel’s near and long term security and would leave far too many Israelis well within range for ongoing rocket and missile attacks from Iran’s terror proxy.

We also discuss Prime Minister Netahyahu’s upcoming speech at the UNGA and the vital importance of Israel’s PM having the use of ‘Zion’s Wing,’ Israel’s equivalent of Air Force One - a rather overdue and inexplicably controversial development for Israeli leaders.

Enjoy and be sure to subscribe to the show!

Click on the link below to listen to the podcast.

POLICY MEMO: ISRAEL MUST DITCH THE POLICY OF DETERRENCE

The need for a fundamental shift in Israeli national security strategy has become increasingly clear following the devastating mass murder attack launched by Hamas on southern Israel on October 7.

The traditional reliance on deterrence, a cornerstone of Israel’s security doctrine, has proven to be an entirely irrelevant concept against the unique threats posed by jihadist organizations.

While defense officials habitually would describe Israeli deterrence in the eyes of its adversaries as a ‘slippery’ and unstable ‘thing’ to measure, a closer examination reveals that it did not exist in the first place vis-à-vis Hamas, or Hezbollah. While these terror armies are certainly capable of calculating their interests and choosing timings that suit their ideological objectives, at no point did they exhibit actual deterrence – a wish to avoid conflict with Israel based on the conclusion that this is not in their interest.

This necessitates a strategic pivot towards a relentless focus on degrading enemy capabilities, and preventing the formation of jihadist armies on Israel’s borders, rather than engaging in fruitless and often unfounded efforts to get into the minds of adversaries whose cultural, religious, and military mindsets and actions are entirely alien to Western decision-making.

As such, one of the key policy lessons going forward needs to be the shift away from the doomed attempt to decipher the intentions of Middle Eastern terror armies, and towards placing the focus on continually degrading their capabilities, to the point where they are no longer organized hierarchical armies in control of their own territory and able to build up force with impunity.

The concept of deterrence, deeply ingrained in Israel’s defense strategy, is predicated on the belief that potential adversaries can be dissuaded from attacking by the threat of overwhelming retaliation, in a manner that would make the cost far outweigh the benefit. However, since jihadist armies will invariably unleash their capabilities at a time that is opportunistically convenient for advancing their totalitarian goals, the concept of deterrence should be discredited in dealing with these actors.

Traditionally, Israel’s classic ‘security triad’ concept, better known as the Ben Gurion doctrine, formulated in the 1950s, was based on the three pillars of deterrence; two of which were early intelligence warning of enemy intentions to attack, and decisive victory when wars broke out. The concept was based on Israel’s lack of strategic depth and relatively small standing army, as well as its rapid ability to call up reserves and take the fight into enemy territory.  Since lengthy conflicts drained Israel’s limited resources, the thinking went, deterrence was a valuable tool to build periods of calm in between rounds of warfare.

In fact, the concept proved relatively successful throughout the decades in which Israel faced state enemies with classical military threats, and Israel did indeed experience significant periods of relative calm and development between wars. But even in the 20th century, deterrence was far from a scientific concept. For example, soon after Israel’s most successful war, the 1967 Six Day War, Egypt, Jordan, and the PLO began a three-year bloody war of attrition against Israel.

The concept of deterrence was also predicated on the assumption that due to its size and resource limitations, Israel was in no position to permanently dismantle the military capabilities of its enemies, but rather, to use wars to land very painful blows, which would ‘top up’ deterrence until the next war.

However,  while the concept had mixed results in the 20th century, in the 21st century, the application of this thinking to jihadist enemy forces has proven disastrous. It allowed Hamas to build up a full-blown Iranian-backed army, whose October 7 mass murder attack will leave a multi-generational trauma on the Israeli national psyche, a setback to the Zionist ethos that Israel can never again afford to absorb.  

When dealing with religious jihadist adversaries, who are impervious to Western cost-benefit calculations, only persistent, sustained degradation of capabilities will lead to results. This approach involves continuous and proactive measures to weaken the operational and logistical capabilities of entities like Hamas, Hezbollah, and the puppet string holder that activates these proxies, the Iranian IRGC.

While non-state terror armies were never subject to deterrence, the question of whether the Islamic Republic of Iran can be deterred is more complex, and deserving of a separate analysis. Essentially, the Iranian regime and its main power brokers, the ayatollahs and the IRGC elite military officers, share the same fanatical jihadist ideology as their proxies, but are interested in handing off as much of the military conflict missions to proxies as they can at this time, until Iran goes nuclear. 

Closer to home, when seen through the lens of capability degradation rather than deterrence, it becomes clear that Israel’s war of self-defense against Hamas must end with the destruction of its status as a terrorist-army – a goal that Israel is past 70% of the way to reaching. This would be the first time in Israel’s military history that it would commit itself to permanently dismantling enemy capabilities, although smaller-scale precedents for this already exist, such as Israel’s dismantling of the PLO in Lebanon, and its five-year counter-terror offensive in the West Bank, which began in 2002.

This definition of victory does not rely on topping up deterrence, since the concept is irrelevant for Islamist decision-makers whose value systems and worldview stray far beyond what Western logic is capable of perceiving.

Israel’s focus must shift towards continuous military pressure and the strategic control of key areas to prevent enemy reorganization and resupply. This means Israel cannot, in the foreseeable future, give up control of the Philadelphi Corridor between Gaza and Egypt – a major tunnel network smuggling zone. Israeli control over the Netzarim Corridor separating northern Gaza from the rest of the Strip is also critical to preventing a resurgence of enemy capabilities that would threaten the western Negev and beyond.

Furthermore, the civilian aspect of terror armies like Hamas cannot be ignored. The civilian social dimension of Hamas and Hezbollah act as supporting elements for the formation of terror armies, and in Gaza’s case, Israel must quickly define civilian alternatives to Hamas’s regime as a result.

Ultimately, only a relentless focus on degrading enemy capabilities, coupled with strategic military freedom of maneuver in areas bordering Israel, based on precise intelligence, and a commitment to developing civilian alternatives to replace Islamist social-political frameworks that sprout terror armies, will be essential to Israel’s continuity in the Middle East.

To address the regional challenges of the 21st century, we must replace the discredited concept of deterrence with a proactive, capabilities-focused strategy.

Yaakov Lappin is an Israel-based military affairs correspondent and analyst. He provides insight and analysis for a number of media outlets, including Jane's Defense Weekly, a leading global military affairs magazine, and JNS.org, a news agency with wide distribution among Jewish communities in the U.S. Read full bio here.

PODCAST: U.S. Military Cadets Tour Nazi Death Camps In Poland

PODCAST: U.S. Military Cadets Tour Nazi Death Camps In Poland

Every year, The MirYam Institute brings delegations of current and future military officers to Poland and then directly on to Israel for a 12 day tour of the country through the I-SAP tour initiative (Israel Strategy & Policy).

This summer, The MirYam Institute created a delegation for future officers of the U.S. Army, Navy, Air-Force and Marine Corps to Poland, to visit the Nazi death camps, as well as the damage and destruction carried out against the Jews of Europe. 

This year, due to Israel’s ongoing war against Hamas, the I-SAP tour could not travel to Israel from Poland, so we brought the delegation for an extended tour of Poland and brought several Israeli speakers to the delegation, including the son of a hostage being held by Hamas and a civilian whose rapid response unit fought off an attack by eighty Hamas terrorists on October 7th.

Here, Colonel Dave (Ret.), explains why the I-SAP tour is of such value to the education and understanding of the delegates, as they prepare to become leaders and officers within the U.S. Armed Forces. 

To learn more about I-SAP visit the link below. 

Enjoy!

Why Hamas Must Be Destroyed

Letting Hamas survive after the barbarism of October 7 would be tantamount to permitting Nazi Germany to end the war in 1944 with Hitler still in power.

By FRANK SOBCHAK

JUNE 19, 2024 23:39

Updated: JUNE 20, 2024 07:55

Among the many disingenuous and ahistorical narratives that have developed surrounding the Hamas-Israel war is one that Israel has done enough harm to Hamas that it should allow the damaged but not defeated organization to survive and perhaps even remain in power in Gaza.

Such an argument is often made under the premise that Hamas will be difficult to destroy and that Israel should cut a deal to free its hostages.

One commentator even posited that it would be “extraordinary” to suggest Hamas should accept its absolute annihilation during ceasefire negotiations, implying that it was irregular for a victor to insist that its opponent disarm and dissolve.

White flag

But such an allegation is patently false, as many times in history, one side has demanded the unconditional surrender of its adversary or annihilation of its military force.

During World War II, the Allied powers expected an unconditional surrender from Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan. Indeed, Gen. Dwight Eisenhower, the supreme Allied commander in Europe, told his troops before D-Day, “We will accept nothing less than full victory!”

For the Pacific Theater, the Potsdam Declaration decreed that Japan surrender unconditionally or face “prompt and utter destruction” and threatened “the inevitable and complete destruction of the Japanese armed forces and... the utter devastation of the Japanese homeland.”

There was no illusion on the part of the Axis powers that their governments would be dismembered and their military forces annihilated when they accepted those terms. And yet in both cases, the defeated powers agreed to unconditional surrender and accepted their fates.

World War I concluded with an armistice followed by a negotiated settlement, but there was little question as to what would become of the military forces and political systems of the Central Powers. The Triple Entente demanded the near annihilation of the German war machine, with bans on conscription, submarines, and an air force. Its army and navy were largely dissolved, and the scuttled remains of its once great fleet can now be visited by vacationing scuba divers. Germany lost more than a tenth of its territory, and its allies, the Ottoman Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire, were carved up by the victors.

During the American Civil War, Union forces infrequently required the unconditional surrender of Confederate forces, but still left the Confederacy as a gutted military force. At the Battle of Fort Donelson, Union Gen. Ulysses S. Grant earned the moniker “Unconditional Surrender” Grant for telling his opponent, “No terms except an unconditional and immediate surrender can be accepted.”

The larger conflict, however, gave slightly more generous terms to Confederate forces when they surrendered at Appomattox Court House, with combatants paroled and allowed to keep their sidearms as they returned home.

Military material such as rifles, cannons, and other public property were stacked and handed over to Union soldiers, preventing Southern forces from resuming large-scale conflict and abolishing them as an organized military. The Confederate States of America, the South’s political governing body, was dissolved and a military occupation began.

Achieving a successful war termination that creates a lasting peace afterward is a strategically difficult challenge but not a rare occurrence. When utter annihilation of the enemy is paired with a generous peace, such as with the Marshall Plan after World War II, there is greater likelihood of a long-lasting peace. On the other hand, creating a Carthaginian peace, with a post-conflict period that punishes rather than rebuilds, can often pave the road for the next conflict, as it did with the harsh terms of the Treaty of Versailles.

Even worse, the nuances of those peace accords later allowed Germans such as Adolf Hitler to declare that their country had never been defeated militarily, paving the way for rearmament. In the American Civil War, an inability to rebuild the South during Reconstruction and punish those who continued to fight for their tortured ideologies led to nearly endless low-level conflict that America still endures. The worst possible war termination option is completing a negotiated settlement that leaves the combatants ready to resume fighting: a real recipe for perpetual conflict.

IF ANYTHING is to be learned from the endings of these earlier conflicts, it is that letting Hamas survive after the barbarism of October 7 would be tantamount to permitting Nazi Germany to end the war in 1944 with Hitler still in power.

Imagining a world in which the fascist powers from that conflict had been allowed to endure as wounded versions of themselves is nothing less than a ludicrous nightmare that today we should do everything in our power to prevent with the modern-day fascists of Gaza, who cloak themselves in a false anti-colonial liberation narrative.

The writer, a PhD, is a publishing contributor at The MirYam Institute and a 26-year veteran of service in the US Army and Special Forces.

Jerusalem Post OP-ED: Egypt must reap what it sowed to prevent another October 7th

Egypt must reap what they sowed to prevent another October 7 from happening - opinion

By BENJAMIN ANTHONY

FEBRUARY 18, 2024 01:16

Updated: FEBRUARY 18, 2024 15:09

Following Israel’s rescue mission of two hostages carried out in Rafah, the IDF is poised to launch a ground incursion into the same city. Rafah is Hamas’s last remaining stronghold; it must be purged from that area for Israel to realize its war aims. 

Preventing a repeat of the horrors of October 7 will require Israel to maintain control of the Rafah crossing in perpetuity. 

If ordered, the IDF will operate in an area where approximately 1.2 million Gazans are currently located. They are there as a result of Israel’s largely successful efforts to move Gazans out of harm’s way as the IDF battles a brutal enemy.

Egypt's responsibility 

Gazans are hemmed in between Israel’s military offensive in Khan Yunis and Egypt, whose president refuses to allow the Gazan population into the Sinai Peninsula, the huge land expanse that abuts the Gaza Strip. 

Egypt bears massive responsibility for the unfolding crisis. For years, it turned a blind eye to the smuggling of personnel, material, and terrorist know-how into Gaza through Sinai.

It is from Egyptian territory, via Sinai, that terrorists returned to Gaza after undergoing military training in Syria, Iraq, and Iran. October 7 happened when the seeping complicity of Egypt burst forth in the bloodiest rampage against Jews since the Holocaust. 

Egypt now invokes the potential for regional upheaval to demand that the IDF not operate in Rafah. Having failed to uphold its obligations in territory over which it is sovereign, Egypt now seeks to dictate the terms of activities in areas over which it has no sovereignty.

If only Egypt had been as judicious in the past in preventing what crossed from Sinai into Gaza as it now is about what crosses from Gaza into Sinai. Jordan, the UAE, France, and Britain are echoing Egypt’s demands. Where does the hypocrisy end?

The international community typically reacts to displaced populations with the inventiveness of a middling pugilist. Their diplomatic one-two leads with a call for neighboring and non-neighboring countries to accept them as refugees and then follows up by championing the countries that do so. 

Egypt's refusal to accept Gazan refugees

SINCE THE beginning of the Syrian civil war, bordering Turkey is estimated to have absorbed more than 3.5 million Syrians. Non-bordering Germany accepted 1.2 million Syrians. Both countries were implored to do so and applauded thereafter.

Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, responsibility for absorbing displaced Ukrainians again fell upon bordering states, including Poland, and non-bordering countries, such as Britain, America, and Israel. Again, the international community implored those countries to do so and applauded them thereafter. The old one-two. 

But in a move away from international norms, the countries that typically urge population absorption now assign no absorption responsibility to Egypt and insist that where other displaced populations may seek to emigrate, no such notion has ever crossed the minds of the Gazans.

Not only has Egypt refused to open its border, but it has deployed some 40 tanks to the area, presumably in readiness to gun down any of the Gazans whom it and the world claim to care for so deeply in the event that they cross into its territory.

Shifting to an unorthodox stance, the international community is now violating its own standards because this war features an unfamiliar regional contender – an Israel that is actually seeking a conclusive victory!

Desperate to prevent that outcome, the world now flails to tie Israel up using techniques of astounding illogic. They assert that Syrians may want to flee their brutal reality. So might Ukrainians. But Palestinians? No! Uniquely, Palestinians want to stay where they are, immiserated by the Hamas regime that they voted into power, displaced by Israel’s legitimate response to the attack launched against it. 

Some 250,000 Israelis have been driven from their homes by Iranian-backed Hezbollah and Iranian-backed Hamas in Gaza. In the latter case, Egypt was the bridge that connected murderous intent with murderous deeds.

Israel must advance. Asked to choose between a displacement crisis in Gaza or perpetuating the worsening displacement crisis unfolding within its own borders, it must first safely repatriate Israelis who are living as evacuees within their own country, beginning with those from Israel’s south. For that to be achieved, Hamas can and must be cleared from Rafah.

WHILE EGYPT is centrally responsible for the displacement of the Gazans and eminently equipped to resolve the issue, primary responsibility rests with the Gazan people themselves. 

Many distinctions exist between the crises in Syria and Ukraine and the events taking place in Gaza. The most telling of those is that while Syrians did not elect President Bashar Al-Assad and Ukrainians did not elect President Vladimir Putin, Gazan voters willfully cast their ballot in support of the regime that launched the war in which they are now entangled – Hamas!

Gazans lent an electoral mandate to the known genocidal intentions that are at the heart of the Hamas charter. That genocide was attempted on October 7. When dead IDF soldiers and elderly abductees were dragged into Gaza, mass civilian celebration erupted on the streets. Jew hatred, violence, and murderous intent still coarse through the veins of too many Gazans. Now Israel is responding. 

For too long, the cooperation between Egypt and Hamas has remained hidden; whispered about but rarely spoken aloud.

The future of Egypt and Hamas

But it’s time for their partnership to be outed. Whether Gazans and Egyptians want each other or not, the international community should consummate a union between them. Egypt should be pressed to allow Gazans into the Sinai - against its preference - with at least the same vigor that Israel was compelled to funnel aid into the Strip against the Israeli will. The result should also be the same. 

Israel must press forward, undeterred by bluster, in pursuit of its highest calling - the defense of its own people and the return of its hostages.

Israelis were murdered and abducted during the holiest, most festive period of the Jewish calendar. If it does not protect that which is sacred to it, others will trample upon and desecrate those values. Perhaps an IDF armed with the determination exhibited to this point can return the children of Israel to their homes in time for this year’s Passover. They’ve been in the wilderness of displacement, torment, and kidnap for far too long.

The writer is a co-founder and CEO of The MirYam Institute and an IDF combat veteran.

If Israel doesn't win the war against Hamas, Zionism is dead

Golda Meir said, “If we have to have a choice between being dead and pitied, and being alive with a bad image, we’d rather be alive and have the bad image.”

It’s been over 100 days since Hamas committed the proportional equivalent of 15 9/11 attacks. Over 200 IDF soldiers have already fallen in Gaza, and hundreds fell on October 7, as the government downplayed the very credible threat from Gaza. Thousands more have been injured, many permanently. These soldiers bravely sacrificed their lives so that their fellow Israelis may live in peace. It is not reassuring to contemplate that it is in the hands of Israel’s poorly trusted government whether or not all their sacrifices may have been in vain.

I fought in the Gaza Strip in 2009. My two younger brothers fought there in this war. I have friends who have lost loved ones and who were permanently injured in the same kind of terror nests where Israel is losing its best today. Zionism is the dream of Jewish self-determination as the solution to centuries of antisemitic murder and oppression. I am one of millions over the years who consider it to be a dream worth dying for. But, if Israel does not pursue victory after October 7, Zionism is dead.

Over the last few days, social media posts and other reports have suggested that Israel had proposed a two-month cessation of fighting in exchange for the phased release of the hostages. Such a deal would include a withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza’s population centers, allowing Gazans to return; it would release an unspecified number of terrorists, and if implemented, IDF operations in Gaza would be significantly reduced when fighting resumed. In essence, a major win for Hamas and the ultimate loss for Israel.

Let me explain. If Hamas were wise enough to accept such a deal, (I pray they are not) they will have succeeded in irreparably destroying Israel’s sense of security; in demonstrating the efficacy of extreme violence to free terrorists as was their stated objective; in igniting massive global sympathy for the Palestinians, in boosting their own popularity and discrediting the Palestinian Authority (PA) as polls currently show, and in bringing a global initiative for Palestinian statehood back into urgency.

It’s amazing what a campaign of rape, torture, beheading of infants, and hostages taking can achieve. 

Absent Israeli victory, Hamas will rebuild, recruit, and rearm. They do not care about Gaza’s civilian sector. Its destruction is a propaganda win. Finally, a resumption of low-intensity fighting will not disarm Hamas, nor bring its leadership to justice, where high-intensity fighting failed to do so. 

As of today, the IDF has done Hamas significant damage but has failed to end its ability to fight and it has failed to kill nearly any of its senior leadership in Gaza. Most importantly, Israel has, as yet, failed to cause Hamas’s political collapse. The Gazan population has not risen up and Hamas will swiftly reestablish control wherever the IDF leaves. This outcome would make Operation Iron Swords just a larger version of past IDF operations that failed to blunt Hamas’s capabilities and certainly failed to deter terrorists from attacking Israel since it uprooted its communities and withdrew its military in 2005. The only thing that can do so is full Israeli military control over Gaza for the foreseeable future. Political solutions will eventually be important, but this must be Israel’s paramount and unimpeded goal until it is achieved.

While the plight of the hostages is painful beyond words, if Israel does not defeat its enemies, bring them to justice, and reestablish security after October 7, the Zionist dream is dead. 

How could any enemy fear a country that does not win after taking a hit like that? 

Every enemy would learn that to win strategically against Israel and survive, they must make sure to rape and butcher their way through music festivals and communities and take many hostages. 

Israel must reverse the horrible incentive structure that it created with its disastrous deal for Gilad Schalit. Israel should do its best to return the hostages, but it cannot commit suicide over them – which is what abandoning victory would be.

To quote Churchill – another leader who faced an implacable, genocidal foe – Israel’s only option post-October 7 is “victory at all costs, victory in spite of all terror; victory, however long and hard the road may be; for without victory, there is no survival.”

Without victory, Israel would have betrayed Zionism. My relatives arrived in Israel after the Holocaust and fought in 1948 against all odds for Israel’s independence. They and their children fought in every war since. My brothers and I fought decades later.

 Zionists worldwide must fight for Israel

Ours is the story of millions who fight for an idea, for a safe haven and sovereignty. We do not ask for an end to the fighting, we are willing to bleed as much as it takes, for as long as it takes. But, we demand that we do not surrender the mission. Zionists worldwide are willing to fight with every tool at their disposal, be it weapons, words, money, or prayers for a country where Jews and all citizens feel secure, not for a country that surrenders to terrorists.

There is no security or pride in a country that makes a deal that allows the enemy to escape justice and remain a threat after the degradations of slaughter, torture, rape, and mutilation, and after the sacrifice of so many soldiers who fought to win. 

Without victory, Israel would always be waiting in fear of another October 7, which Hamas has vowed to revisit upon Israel until its annihilation. I would not risk my children’s lives for such a country. 

I will not live in its ever-shrinking borders as communities near Gaza and Lebanon become nightmare zones haunted by the gruesome specter of rape and murder. Finally, I will not feel pride for a country that has the means but not the will to defend itself.

I want a homeland, not a 22,000 sq. km. Yad Vashem. 

Golda Meir said, “If we have to have a choice between being dead and pitied, and being alive with a bad image, we’d rather be alive and have the bad image.” This is a great quote but a false choice. The world respects those who respect themselves. This is true on the playground and in the Middle East. 

Victory will ensure both Israel’s security and its image.

The writer has a PhD in International Relations from the University of Virginia with a focus on strategic/security studies, counter-terrorism, conflict resolution, and asymmetric warfare. He is a publishing contributor at The MirYam Institute.

Jewish people and their allies need to stand up in the face of renewed hatred

By MICAH QUINNEY JONES

I firmly believe that Israel is the canary in the coal mine, and the forces of ignorance and hate that are attempting to consume Israel, will ultimately turn on the West were they successful.

Over 100 days have passed since the world changed. 

Like my memories of 9/11 when I was 13 years old, I recall exactly where I was and what I was doing when thousands of Hamas terrorists ravaged through Israel committing the most horrific acts of rape and violence.

I remember doom scrolling on my phone, constantly refreshing the news to read what was going on. And at the restaurant that my wife and I went to that evening – as part of a longed -planned date night – I remember not being able to enjoy the meal as all I could think of was the pain and sorrow my fellow Jews were enduring in Israel

In the last 100 days, the world has changed for the better and for the worse – although in many ways the worse seems to be much more prominent. The world has changed for the better in that the Jewish community, in both Israel and the Diaspora, has rallied to defend the Land of lsrael.

And freedom-loving people the world over have made small and large contributions in supporting Israel, whether it is American cowboys volunteering to take care of animals and crops on vacated kibbutzim, to a bubbe cooking hundreds of meals a day for IDF troops

The world, too, has changed for the worse as Jew-haters in every part of the globe have been galvanized to attack and demonize Israel and the Jewish people by simultaneously denying the October 7 atrocities ever occurred and wishing they had been even more devastating. Most tragically, it has been over 100 days that the remaining 136 Israeli hostages have endured in hell.

Control what you can control

During these tumultuous times, I have returned to the soldier’s mindset that carried me through US Army schools, my deployment to Afghanistan, law school, and studying for the bar exam: Control what you can control. 

Although while living in my little town north of Boston I am physically far away from the war in Gaza, I, as a proud Jew and Zionist, feel deeply close to what Israeli citizens are enduring on a daily basis because we share the same collective history and experience as Jews. As such, I have tried to do what I can, at my small, individual level to help Israel, the Jewish people, and by association, America and the West. 

At the beginning of the war, I corresponded daily with my dear close friend, Ozni (I have changed his name to protect his identity as he is actively fighting in Gaza with his reserve unit). Ozni and I had attended college together in San Diego, California, and had stayed friends ever since.

We had last seen each other in 2019 when I was in Israel as a MirYam Institute International Law and Policy (I-LAP) delegate. Despite the distance, we have remained good friends for well over a decade and send each other periodic updates regarding our lives and careers. 

When Ozni’s reserve unit was activated, he let me know that he did not have the proper equipment for what would be a likely deployment to Gaza. I was shocked. Having served a year in Afghanistan, I could not imagine Ozni entering Gaza without proper equipment. 

By controlling what I could control, I mobilized my US veteran and Jewish networks to begin procuring gear for Ozni and his reserve unit. This involved relying on the generous volunteer efforts and resources of a myriad of people and nonprofit organizations, including the Israeli-American Council in New England and the MirYam Institute. Family and friends from across the country further contributed in helping ship and purchasing necessary items.

Via this cobbled-together network, my contacts and I were able to raise funds to procure non-controlled items, like multi-tools, knee pads, water reservoirs, and headlamps, that we then sent to Israel. Through the coordination of Ozni’s sister and Benjamin Anthony and Rozita Pnini of the MirYam Institute, crucial equipment was delivered directly to Ozni’s unit.

Although such gear paled in comparison to a Merkava tank round or Iron Dome defensive missile, from my experience as a soldier, I knew that anything that would make Ozni’s life easier – or save him a second in combat – could make the world of difference. 

In reflecting on the last 100 days and steeling myself to the reality that this war will last hundreds of days more, I take pride in the fact that the Jewish community has united. I am also glad that the antisemites have removed their masks because they are now easy to identify.

Going forward, I will continue to do whatever I can – whether it is donating to organizations like the MirYam Institute, procuring more helpful supplies, or standing strong for Israel when speaking with people who may not feel as strongly as I do about the aftermath of October 7 – because we are in a collective moment where Israel, and by association, the Jewish people, are under attack.

I firmly believe that Israel is the canary in the coal mine and the forces of ignorance and hate that are attempting to consume Israel, would ultimately turn on America and the West were they successful.

As a proud American Jew, I stand firmly with Israel and the larger Jewish Diaspora. In facing the void that is the next 100 days, and beyond, I hope to provide as much strength and support to those Israelis and Jews who are being physically attacked – whether by Hamas in Gaza, antisemites in major Western cities, or verbally assaulted in university classrooms and public spaces.

October 7 changed everything. As such, it is up to us, the freedom-loving people of Israel, the United States, and the West, to call for the release of the remaining hostages being held by Hamas – and to meet the forces of Jew-hatred and jihadism in the breach, to ensure that they will be given no quarter. 

Am Yisrael Hai! The people of Israel live!

The writer is an attorney, a United States Army veteran, and a pro-Israel advocate. He is a recipient of the Bronze Star Medal for Meritorious Service. Before attending law school, he served for over five years as a Military Intelligence branch detail Infantry officer in the US Army. He was honorably discharged as a captain in 2016. The majority of his military service was spent in the Army’s 82nd Airborne Division.

Families of Hostages Campaign. Vail, Colorado

Continuing on our campaign with the families of hostages, we were welcomed at the Chabad of Vail in Colorado. We spent two emotional evenings sharing stories of families that have been on an endless campaign to advocate for their missing.

In several heart-wrenching testimonies we heard from Orit and Aviram Meir, seeking the return of their beloved Almog, missing since October 7th when he was violently abducted from Israel into Gaza. The only thing they have to go by is a horrific video shot and shared by Hamas.

We heard from Ily David and his mother Galia, seeking the return of Evyatar David, also missing since October 7th.

We would like to thank all those in attendance for their support and to thank Rabbi Dovid Mintz for the warm welcome into his synagogue and community.

Please join the Instagram pages of the hostages and help us to keep an international focus on their situation and the depravity of Hamas!

Why Hamas must be destroyed: The race to the bottom for terror groups - opinion

By Frank Sobchak

On October 7, the terrorist group Hamas perpetrated the worst massacre of Jews since the Holocaust. Many have explained away those crimes by blaming Hamas’s deep antisemitism, but while that explanation rings true, it is insufficient. 

Organizations such as Hamas compete with each other to obtain financial resources, public support, and recruits. Because media attention is crucial in all those factors, terror groups have been in a race to carry out ever more awful acts of inhumanity, vying to outdo each other. As brutal as October 7 was, if Hamas is not destroyed and made an example of, the next attack from a terrorist group will likely exceed its barbaric depravity.  

United States Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis coined the term “race to the bottom” to describe heightened competition between states or companies engaged in irrational economic decisions to gain competitive economic advantages. He observed that when competition increased in a particular geographic region or economic sector, governments engaged in deregulation to lower the cost of production to attract businesses. Hence, competition drove a race to the lowest standards possible so that those entities could continue to be competitive. The events surrounding October 7 are illustrative of a “race to the bottom” where terrorist groups compete to stay globally relevant and for allocations of limited resources such as manpower and money. For these groups to stay pertinent, they must generate as much fear and media coverage as possible and will race each other to the bottom in ever more brutal acts.  

Terrorism is fundamentally about using fear as a psychological weapon to generate effects far beyond the number of casualties in individual attacks. 

Traditional media coverage amplifies those effects because of the journalistic adage, “If it bleeds, it leads,” meaning that exceptionally sensational and violent stories are promoted above others. Social media, whose algorithms are often set to maximize viewing based on relevancy and popularity, has only accelerated this truism as our mobile phones now alert us when horrible things happen and demand that we take notice. Over time, repeatedly witnessing such extreme violence across different contexts leads to rapid desensitization and the public becomes numb to brutality. 

Therefore, to continue instilling deep levels of dread, terror groups must perform ever worse levels of cruelty.  

There is also an economic component to the vicious logic. Terror groups require money to function and carry out their attacks, and these funds come from various sources. The level of donations is often directly tied to the amount of publicity generated, with groups sharing short videos of their exploits along with links to send money. Funds from state actors, such as Qatar, are also intertwined with the amount of media coverage attacks create. 

Hamas fighters took advantage of this by using GoPros and phones to record the carnage they created and posting it on social media and/or sharing it directly with victims’ families. There was no shame in their depravity because they knew it would create a financial windfall that would put them far ahead of rival organizations. Competing in the media space and getting more social media views is economically lucrative and terrorism has become big business, with the head of Hamas’s worth estimated at $4 billion.  

Public support is also directly related to the media attention that terror groups receive.  

More coverage and social media hits result in increased popularity, and groups that are savvy can garner international credibility and backing. Press exposure, even of atrocities, can similarly result in increased recruiting. When faced with which group an individual decides to join, those with the greatest media presence are likely to benefit the most. But to stay relevant and keep getting views, donations, and supporters, groups have to keep outdoing each other in a race to the bottom of more and more awful acts of inhumanity.

Race to the bottom

Indeed, the race to the bottom amongst terrorist groups is nothing new as Islamic terrorist groups have been engaged in escalating violence against civilians for the last 20 years. Al Qaeda in Iraq split with its parent organization because it believed that Al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden were not aggressive enough – and set too many limits on which groups were fit to be slaughtered.  

ISIS grew out of Al Qaeda in Iraq and took its depravity to the next level, which was so horrific that even Al Qaeda, an organization content to crash airliners full of innocents into civilian buildings, disavowed ties. 

Hamas has political competitors in Gaza, and across the Palestinian territories in general, and its abominations are driven in part by a desire to overshadow them. 

The best way to counteract this downward spiral is to utterly destroy Hamas – annihilate the organization’s military and political wings – so other terror groups recognize that copying them only will result in following them into oblivion. 

Respecting the laws of armed conflict is essential, but such a requirement is not mutually exclusive with ensuring the destruction of Hamas. At the same time, eradicating Hamas, which will be difficult militarily and politically, is not enough. It is also critical for the world to condemn what happened. Unequivocally. No platitudes that the barbarity must be contextualized, as if slicing off a woman’s breast could ever be put into perspective. In all likelihood, we will see even worse horror next time if we can’t stomach accomplishing both tasks.  

After the October 7 attacks, Ghazi Hamad, a member of Hamas’s political bureau, pontificated: “We must teach Israel a lesson, and we will do it twice and three times. The Al-Aqsa Flood (the name Hamas gave its onslaught) is just the first time, and there will be a second, a third, a fourth.” 

We should take Hamad and his organization at their word. Not just for the sake of Israel and the broader region, but also because other terrorists are watching the world’s response. They will undoubtedly be spurred to use the same level of brutality – or worse – in the future- if Hamas is not fundamentally dismantled. 

October 7 is a canary in the coal mine for terrorist violence. A new Pandora’s box of monstrosities has been opened and if an example is not made of Hamas, these horrors will happen again and again.

Frank Sobchak is a retired US Army Special Forces colonel and a publishing contributor at the MirYam Institute. Iris Sobchak has taught history at the US Military Academy at West Point and is a publishing contributor at the MirYam Institute.

Addressing Israel's Challenges and the Path Forward

Benjamin Anthony speaks to @i24 news, covering crucial topics affecting Israel. He discusses the War Cabinet's deliberations on a potential hostage deal and the psychological propaganda campaign by Hamas targeting hostage families. Despite the challenges, there's a strong sense of solidarity and support for the IDF among Israelis.

Critically assesses the Palestinian Authority's capability to govern Gaza post-war, citing their silence on Hamas's actions on October 7th as a key concern. He also highlights the internal challenges Israel faces, from the strain on reservists and their families to the impact on those affected by the October 7th attacks.

The ongoing threat from Hamas, with leaders like Ghazi Hamad vowing continuous attacks, underscores the need for vigilance. Benjamin argues that a ceasefire would be premature, emphasizing the importance of a decisive military victory for Israel's long-term security.

He also addresses the crucial issue of aid to Gaza, advocating for stringent checks to ensure it reaches civilians and not Hamas, especially in light of breached hostage release agreements. This comprehensive discussion sheds light on the complex dynamics at play and the critical decisions facing Israel.

Israel's Security Crisis: The Need for Clear Policy and Leadership! @i24NEWS_EN

Gain valuable insights from Benjamin Anthony, CEO of the Miram Institute, as he delves into the pressing security crisis in Israel. Discover the urgent need for a clear policy and decisive leadership in response to the escalating threats from the North and South. From analyzing the impact of recent Israeli strikes in Syria to dissecting the political rhetoric amidst the conflict in Gaza and Southern Lebanon, this discussion uncovers the critical issues at hand. Don't miss out on this thought-provoking analysis of the Israeli government's handling of the military campaign and the timing of elections. Join the conversation on losing confidence in the current leadership and the movement toward the extreme right wing. Gain valuable insights into the implications of the security crisis on Palestinian statehood and the overall stability of the region.